[Social recognition of your labour is no longer possible when you are creating commodities to be sold on the market: it is money, not labour, that tells you whether what you are doing is socially useful.]

If the separation of done from the doing is fragmenting, does would the reconnection be harmonizing?

[Marx describes the dehumanizing aspect of capitalism: it inverses relationships to the point where workers become the instruments of money, capital and machines; social relations are between things (money and the state, your money and mine) whereas human 'individuals' are merely there to exchange commodities.]

[Because we actively participate in the reproduction of capitalism, it is assumed that the state of affairs is permanent, unchangeable, and perhaps always was that way.]

[The separation of doing and done implies a capital class and labour class.]

[Doing is movement; in doing I go beyond myself; in doing, it is impossible to say that 'the world is' or that 'I am'; in doing there is no identity.]

[When doing is broken, the contradictions possible in movement are subordinated by definitive perspectives: 'the world is this way', 'that's the way things are'.]

[When doing is broken, doing is reduced to labour, to 'doing-in-the-service-of-capital-expansion'. Labour becomes quantitative: measured by hours, producing something to be sold for a price, producing value, rewarded by a wage. Doing becomes a train that moves ever faster but along pre-established tracks. Time becomes space, clock time, tick-tick time, where one tick is the same as another, time that moves but stays still, treadmill time.]

[There is no distinction between the doing of the user and of the maker.]

[Community becomes an aggregation of distinct individuals as opposed to the flow of doing. The bourgeois notion of science assumes capitalism to be permanent and considers it a virtue to distance the individual from community; he further away he is from the society he studies, the better; ideally the observer would be on the moon so as to remain maximally objective. This attempt at scientific objectivity is based upon the false idea that the thinker can be excluded while expressing his thought.]

[We write in the third-person to be scientific – first-person discourse such as 'I am bored of political parties' or 'we want a better life' is seen as unscientific.]

[Study is of or about something to distance the object from those who study it, which is another form of power-over: the best are the ones who can look at things from the outside, as a passive viewer as opposed to an active participant; the theory seperated from the theorist and can be 'applied' to the world.]

[Definition aims to not contradict; x cannot be non-x; the world becomes cleanly divided; if I am x, I cannot be y; the y becomes the Other. The not-Us (Jews, Blacks, Irish) is used to abstract horrible acts enacted upon others.]

[Identity fractures the doing and ultimately reinforces capital.]

[Sometimes asserting an identity can have an anti-identitarian meaning based on the context: to say 'I am Black' in a context of racial discrimination versus in a context of racism towards non-Blacks; to say 'I am Jewish' in Nazi Germany versus in Israel.]

[Reason has transformed from the pursuit of the good and true to that of the formally correct. It has more to do with formal mathematical logic than to do with understanding. Preferences between liberty and obedience, democracy and fascism, enlightenment or authority are seen as subjective. Reason becomes the means to an end rather than a critique of the end.]

[Identity is the antithesis of mutual recognition. By defining myself as x, independant of anyone else's recognition, my relations to others are not fundamental to my being.]

[The doer seperates from doing is also separated from the social tapestry and is a 'free' individual: free from responsibility to the community and free from meaningful participation in collective doing. The subject of bourgeois theory is an innocent, healthy, self-determining individual - any psychological problems are personal and not a result of a broken system. The more separated we are, the more identity is beyond question, the more unfree we are, the more liberated we appear to be.]

[Identification, definition, classification is not just mental but also a physical process. Jews were subjected to this in concentration camps. The bureaucratic power of the state functions similarly.]

[Power cannot be taken because it is not possessed by any person or institution: it lies in the fragmentation of social relations.]

[The state is exactly what the word suggests: a bulwark against change, against the flow of doing, the embodiment of identity.]

[Work not towards a theory of domination, but a theory of the vulnerability of domination.]

[The weakness of capital is that it cannot exist without labour.]

[Power-to exists in the form of power-over, doing exists in the form of labour, done exists in the form of capital, social flow exists as fragmentation, the content is dominated by the form.]

[Rulers always depend on their subjects, capital on labour.]

[Laziness can be anti-thetical to capitalist exploitation.]

[To scream is human. To go beyond is an expression of humanity.]

[It's impossible to do anything yourself - every action is made possible by an invisible collaboration between interdependant humans.]

[Screaming without being able to do anything is reducing oneself to a bee-like creature that can only reproduce.]

[The power to do something is never individual and always social, dependent on others.]

[The 'powerful men' cannot actually do anything, they command others to fulfill their wishes.]

[Capital dominates others by owning the 'done'.]

[Capital robs and the state supplies the weapons.]

[Capital breaks the collective 'we' into 'I / you / he / she / they'.]

[It's naive to think that social relations contain themselves to the state. The term globalization highlights what has always been true, that capitalist social relations have always gone beyond territorial borders.]

[Capitalism freed exploitation from national limitations by abstracting the worker through money.]

[The political party subordinates other forms of class struggle to the aim of controlling the state. In aiming to increase state control, all struggles get placed in a hierarchy. The real struggle against what we deeply refuse gets lost the moment power-building takes precedence, way before the party 'betrays' its promises. You can't build a society free of power relations by conquering power. Conquest of power embeds power relations into the struggle itself as opposed to abolishing power relations all together.]

[Both reform and revolution assume the means of state control as a vehicle of long-term social progress.]

[The stock market rises when unemployment increases.]

[The anger and rage we feel comes from a deep recognition of what is wrong with the world, but forces try to gradually distance us from this feeling: first we question ourselves, then we assume we need to learn about the problem, then in the process of academic discourse the emotion becomes more abstract and objectified, finally the transformation from 'we' to 'they' disconnects us from the feeling.]

[Writing with a 'neutral' starting point in the third person assumes the suppression of the 'we'.]

[The rejection of what is may be imprecise or flawed, but it deserves validation and serious critique, not dismissal.]

[Anti-capitalist resistance must be discordant: We who argue amongst each other, and construct the We by arguing.]

[Thinking collectively may include collective statements but it is really about the back and forth of arguing.]

[Neither right nor left, but grassroots.]

[Nobody is opposition, only misinformed, miseducated, unclear-thinking.]

[Ideology against ideologies.]

[We don't know, but let's do it together. The result is less important than the means.]

[Paradise, AKA perfection, is not the destination, not a guiding force.]

[You write your books, you scatter your seeds, without knowing if or when they will be read, and by whom.]

[Every line published today is a victory over the future's obscurity.]

[History is less a series of finalized events and more like the weather: constantly in flux, smaller forces butterflying into larger effects far away from the source. The civil rights movement created a vocabulary and toolbox for social change; the effects go beyond the original intentions.]

[In the stock market, social and environmental destruction is defined as 'profit.]

[Under NAFTA, corporations have an absolute right to profit and local laws must not interfere. Poisoning the well is allowable, stopping the free flow of poison is not.]

Perhaps we cannot be fully aware of the outcome of anything.

[History does not march forward like an army: it scuttles like a crab, erodes like the sporadic drizzle, ruptures like an earthquake.]

[Hope is necessary for action, and commits you to the future you envision: it throws you actively into what is emerging, to which you belong.]

[Preaching despair is easier and more popular than articulating the complex non-linear ways forward to progress.]

[Hope is being in love with success instead of failure.]

[Foundational change begins in the imagination, revolution doesn't always look like revolution.]

[Labeling ideas as dangerous is a sign of fragility lf the state: when activism terrorizes more than the war-mongering military.]

[When you recognize uncertainty, you recognize that you may be able to influence the outcomes, alone or with others.]

[Optimists assume everything will be without involvement, pessimists assume everything will fail despite involvement, both excuse themselves from acting.]

[We don't always know the impact of action beforehand, and sometimes even afterwards; many people have had more influence after death.]

[people may change how they think without consciously referencing the source, believing that they always thought that way, because it can be compromising to reveal that someone subscribed to oppressive ideologies from the mainstream; power comes from the shadows.]

Try to appreciate that things are in movement on a larger time frame. Focus on the process. "It's not what I want" or "It's not what I think it should be" is focused on the outcome.

If I have a side, its against extremism—of any kind: religious, political, other: there's no conversation when everybody is absolutely certain of the righteousness of their argument.

As a political ideology and as a practical matter, I loathe communism. However, I often find myself getting along very well with communists. I feel the same way about Red State America. Not my world, not always my point of view. But I always have a good time in gun country America and tend to like the people I meet. Palin sticker on your bumper or Che Guavara—if you have a sense of humor and enjoy food made with pride, chances are, we can be pals.

I don't care who done it in crime books or why they done it, I care what they're wearing, what the room smells like, what's cooking, that sort of thing. I think those things speak volumes about people. […] What they're listening to. The record collection, always very important.

[Transform from seeing everything in pairs to multiples.]

[Intellect is not a trap but a tool.]

[Openheartedness: Greeting the world with compassion and without defensiveness; opening yourself to whatever love or connection life offers you.]